"Sept. 11 Catapulted Russia into the Elite League of World Politics"

DW-WORLD.DE: According to a representative poll, many Russians hoped that after Sept. 11 the world and, above all, the US, would show more understanding for Moscow's actions in Chechnya. Did that actually happen?

Peter Schulze: When we talk about the West, we need to differentiate, on the one hand, between certain states, and on the other, between politicians, media and the general population. The US and Britain are essentially critical of the Chechnya issue because the criteria on which they judge the developments in the northern Caucasus do not correspond to reality. Western countries that are closer to Russia -- whether through economic cooperation or cultural exchange -- have more understanding for Moscow's actions in Chechnya.

Where does Germany stand?

Germany belongs to the latter group -- although, opinions are divided here, too. The media paint a negative picture of Russia. One could say that they are obsessed with reporting about terrible events in this country. They report reluctantly about normality or stability -- that kind of topic is worth a few lines at best. On the other hand, news about terrorist attacks and human rights abuses sell much more easily.

Germans, nonetheless, do not have a unanimously negative picture of Russia. Those who are interested and inquisitive, they know that the conflict in Chechnya should not be painted black-and-white, that it is a complex matter and that it is hard to find a solution for it.

On the political level in Germany, there are two camps. Some suffer from Russophobia, are afraid of a strong Russia and use Chechnya as an opportunity to criticize the Russian government. Others, on the other hand, realize that the West needs a strong, economically and politically stable Russia.

What is the position of the German government in this matter?

That position was relatively clear under Gerhard Schröder: Russia was both politically and economically Germany's partner for the future. That is why one was less prone to criticize Russian domestic policies. This resulted in a series of economic grand projects, including the Baltic Sea pipeline.

Angela Merkel, however, is forced to lead a double course. On the one hand, she is under pressure from her own party as well as the liberal opposition to be critical about the inner-political developments in Russia. On the other hand, upon assuming office, she put the screws on the German economy and declared that Germany's prosperity is in a way essentially dependent on the partnership with Russia. To sum it up: Germany is not neutral about Chechnya and the issue of human rights, but it does show understanding.

Many human rights activities and Russian politicians who are critical of the Kremlin have warned that President Putin would use the war on international terrorism as an excuse for his harsh actions in Chechnya. Were these fears justified?

These fears are partially justified. But the Chechnya issue no longer carries as much weight in Russian society. Firstly, because Putin managed to "Chechenize" the conflict. Officially, it is the local politicians in the republic that are in charge, and all the confrontations there take place between different clans. That is, Moscow is still responsible for what happens in Chechnya, but it has distanced itself.

Other current events will play a decisive role for the further development of democracy in Russia -- above all, the forthcoming parliamentary elections and the question of Putin's successor.

The biggest and worst terrorist attacks in Russia happened after Sept. 11. Is there a connection?

There is a certain connection, but it is not unambiguous. The rise of al Qaeda gave the Chechen conflict a different ideological direction. Previously, the rebels fought for independence, whereas today religious and ethnic factors play a decisive role. One could say that the conflict and the terrorism, which is related to it, have become international. Yet I would like to stress that this was more of a long-term rather than immediate consequence of Sept. 11. It is possible that this kind of internationalization would have happened sooner or later, regardless of Sept. 11.

After Sept. 11, Russia readily joined the "alliance against terror." Did Russia's role in world politics consequently become bigger?

Sept. 11 catapulted Russia into the elite league of world politics. Previously, Russia was on the edges of world politics, but from that point on, the West realized that international conflicts could not be solved without Russia.

After Sept.11, it was expected that US-Russian relations would improve on the basis of the joint war on terrorism and that both powers would no longer see each other as competitors in the post-Soviet space. Have these expectations been fulfilled?

Immediately after Sept. 11, it was noticeable how the two powers were accommodating each other. The US stationed their air force in Central Asia and Moscow accepted that because in doing so the Americans took over the task of fighting Islamic extremism, terrorism and drug trafficking in the region. But the US was not satisfied with only having a military presence in the region. It tried to exercise political and economic influence in Central Asia as well as Georgia and the Ukraine. The Kremlin could not and did not want to tolerate that, which is why competition was reignited.

The key factor for the deterioration of the relations between the two countries was the Khodorkovsky affair. His prosecution was seen in the US a symbol for the oppression of democracy, freedom of speech and arbitrary expropriation of private property. That is why Washington's solidarity with Moscow quickly dissipated.

I don't think that the bilateral relations will improve in the foreseeable future because new problems are constantly emerging -- for example, different positions vis-à-vis Iran. But the US is aware that it needs Russia for solving such conflicts. The dialogue will therefore continue.